500 Days of War: Why Now Is the Time for the Two-state Solution

Jeremy Issacharoff, Haaretz Op-Ed

Read the article on Haaretz here

Israel has yet to emerge from the trauma of this war over the last sixteen months. Yet the war has brought with it an improved strategic regional reality for Israel, significantly weakening Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the collapse of the Assad regime. Iran’s capability to undermine moderation in the region too has been substantially reduced by Israel’s military response.

It is essential that Israel adopts a comprehensive strategy to take these achievements into account. This is particularly crucial when continued military action is still being considered and questions remain regarding the intentions to complete the present hostage deal and end this war.

The military theorist Carl von Clauzewitz defined the culminating point of victory as the line beyond which military force becomes counterproductive. If a belligerent keeps fighting, he may not realize that every additional step diminishes the gains and possibilities for achieving peace. Israel is at this point. An endless war will jeopardize any chance of a political settlement with the Palestinians, as well as any possibility of a broader regional alliance to address the advancing Iranian nuclear threat.

The military theorist Carl von Clauzewitz defined the culminating point of victory as the line beyond which military force becomes counterproductive. If a belligerent keeps fighting, he may not realize that every additional step diminishes the gains and possibilities for achieving peace. Israel is at this point. An endless war will jeopardize any chance of a political settlement with the Palestinians, as well as any possibility of a broader regional alliance to address the advancing Iranian nuclear threat.

Before October 7, there was no serious momentum to promote the two-state or any other resolution of the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Israel relied on conflict management that strengthened Hamas and weakened any alternative Palestinian leadership.

This approach led to the deaths of 1,835 Israeli citizens and soldiers, over 250 hostages in Hamas captivity, many for almost 500 days, the considerable destruction of towns and villages on the border with Gaza and in the north, tens of thousands of displaced Israelis, and a national trauma that will remain ingrained in Israel’s consciousness for years to come. All of these tragic events must be urgently and extensively investigated by a state commission of inquiry without further delay.

We need to bring all of our hostages home in one comprehensive deal and end this war. We need to engage in a painstaking reassessment of how to finally resolve the conflict with the Palestinians. Israel’s security will not be served by the illusory “absolute victory,” by increasing the pain and suffering of the Palestinians, or by continuing an oppressive occupation that seeks impossible messianic goals.

It is for these reasons that from a bilateral and regional viewpoint the two-state solution has now become a strategic imperative. An agreed upon and credible pathway to a two-state solution is vital for normalization with Saudi Arabia, which is in turn vital to reconstructing Gaza and stabilizing the West Bank. Some Arab observers have even suggested that Syria may possibly be closer than we think to normalizing relations with Israel.

Such a development would bolster existing peace treaties with Jordan and Egypt who could usher the Palestinians toward statehood. The two-state solution could be the key to unlocking this significant and unprecedented regional opportunity.

When Israelis hear the term two-state solution, they tend to see the dangers, threats and concessions. This is even more palpable after October 7. However, Israelis must also look to the benefits that can emerge.

Can anyone seriously question the strategic importance of peace with Egypt and Jordan? Or the Abraham Accords which forged ties with United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco? We must try and put our pain aside and define a new paradigm that is not just a concession to the Palestinians, but rather a favor to ourselves.

Until now, the two-state solution did not provide sufficient clarity for how Israelis and Palestinians can separate and satisfy their distinct national aspirations while living side by side and managing overlapping economic interests, sharing essential resources and ensuring effective security arrangements. Israel and Palestine could become distinct political entities but will remain neighbors with a need to cooperate on a range of bilateral issues.

The two-state solution, however, cannot just exist as a diplomatic framework but must be embedded in a new regional infrastructure. This idea could merge with another concept: the India – Middle East – Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) adopted by the G20. This is an ambitious multi-pronged network to more sustainably and efficiently connect goods and services between Europe and Asia – via the Middle East.

The NGO Ecopeace has proposed that this corridor could include a peace triangle between Jordan, Israel and Palestine with water-energy exchanges, renewable energy exports to Europe, and a rail network from the Arabian Gulf through Jordan to the ports of Haifa and even Gaza. This is an ambitious goal, but it could bring immense economic benefits to Israel and all of its neighbors, serving as an essential hub between three continents.

Even during the darkest hours of Iran’s missile attacks on Israel in April and October of last year, we witnessed a burgeoning regional defense mechanism which intercepted the vast majority of missiles and drones with the help of the U.S. and our neighbors in the region. The two-state solution embedded in an emerging supportive regional security network would be a broad win-win for all the states concerned and help prevent future Iranian efforts to destabilize the region and advance its nuclear ambitions.

This is the time for creative thinking. We need a political horizon that benefits both Israelis and Palestinians simultaneously. We need to strengthen the existing peace treaties and the Abraham Accords. But we must take the lead, rather than allowing U.S. President Donald Trump’s controversial ideas to pave the way. The preservation of our national security must remain in our own hands and relate to the opportunities of the new strategic reality emerging in the region.

Jeremy Issacharoff was previously the Vice Director-General of Israel’s Foreign Ministry and former Ambassador to Germany

 

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